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Our Past in Present Tense
The French Revolution and the Jews
The Abbe Gregoire and the French Revolution, by Alyssa Goldstein Sepinwall, 341 pages, University of California Press, $55 (less on line).
Dr.
Yehuda Shabatay
San
Diego Jewish Times, February 24, 2006
Books
and courses that deal with Jewish history typically concentrate on the biblical
and the post-biblical periods (c. 1800 BCE-200 CE), jump to the 19th
and 20th centuries, and then give only slight attention to the time
in-between. A couple of exceptions may be a focus on the Golden Age in Spain and
the development of the Eastern European communities. But neither authors nor
instructors discuss Jewish life in Western Europe prior to and during the French
Revolution in particular detail. For that reason alone, I was eager to open
Alyssa Goldstein Sepinwall’s recent work on The
Abbe Gregoire and the French Revolution: The Making of Modern Universalism,
which was published a few months ago with a generous contribution by the Jewish
Studies Endowment Fund of the University of California Press Associates.
Furthermore,
I wished to read this book because I happen to know Professor Sepinwall, who
teaches history at California State University, San Marcos, as a devoted scholar
and a committed Jew. I was not disappointed. The book conveys the author’s
enthusiasm for her subject and provides a most exciting insight into the issues
French Jews faced at a crucial period of time in our history. And I am pleased
to state that its style is most attractive to lay readers and scholars alike. It
certainly challenged me to learn more about the French revolutionaries’ and
Napoleon’s attitude to the Jews.
As
to the book’s main character, I admit that I had never heard of Henri Gregoire
before. Now I understand that he was born in 1750 to a family of modest means,
in the province of Lorraine, which together with the neighboring Alsace, changed
hands between the Germans and the French several times in modern history.
Although Gregoire began his career as a simple parish priest, he became a
central figure in the French Revolution (1789). He presided over the National
Assembly during the storming of the Bastille, and authored some of the most
famous reports on revolutionary cultural policy. As a result, he had
considerable influence on Christianizing the Revolution and on extending full
citizenship to all men under French domain.
The first time he became involved with anything related to the Jews was when, at
the age of 37, he entered a contest sponsored by the Metz Academy on the topic:
“Are there ways of making the Jews more useful and happier in France?”
Gregoire’s second entry to the contest, which shared the top prize, was based
on Christian theology as well as on the ideals of the Enlightenment. He
suggested “that groups like the Jews who were seen as degenerated needed
special help… before they could be fully included in the social body” (p.
56). By taking this stand, “Gregoire charted a middle path between writers who
had insisted that Jews were no different in any regard from (or, in some regards
were perhaps even better than) other Europeans, and others who saw Jews as
incorrigible usurers and Christ-killers who could never be included in civil
society. His middle position — an inclusion managed by regeneration
— would be adopted by the Revolution” (p. 57).
“Regeneration,”
at first a religious and then a medical term, became a key concept in the
revolutionaries’ dictionary. The revolutionaries were convinced that while all
human beings were entitled to equality, certain groups of people had to undergo
moral and even long-term biological changes. Otherwise, those groups “would
endanger the state if not reformed” (p. 73). While Gregoire maintained that
the Catholic priesthood, too, needed “regeneration,”
his demands of women, the Jews, and the “people of color” (most of whom were
slaves), went much farther. After the Sephardim
(the Jews of Spanish and of non-European descent), were granted the rights of
“active citizens” in January 1790, he blamed the Ashkenazim (of Western and Eastern European origin) for not
attaining the same rights. “He noted that he wished them well, but that it was
necessary to ‘dissolve them into the national mass’ instead of allowing them
to remain a culturally definable group” (p. 95). As it turned out, the
Assembly decided to enfranchise all Jews in September 1791.
Though
Gregoire stood up for the ultimate acceptance of every human being into the
fold, in his greatest work, The History of
Religious Sects, he concentrated on the errors of each religion — beside
his own, Catholicism. In his desire to make “wayward Christians” see the
light, and to bring Jews and Muslims into the Church, he scorned the religious
practices of all outsiders. He criticized the Jews’ supposed exclusivity,
tried “to prove that the Church has been their most constant defender,
notwithstanding their betrayal of Jesus,” and urged the Jews “to move toward
Christianity, if not convert outright” (p. 205).
Professor
Sepinwall’s analysis of the French revolutionaries’ attitude to the Jews
includes references to Napoleon’s decision to reconvene the Sanhedrin
(Supreme religious body) after it ceased to exist for almost 14 centuries, and
the key questions the Emperor posed to them in order to assure their
faithfulness to the land of their domicile that was under French rule.
Ultimately, the author provides us with a present-day view of Gregoire’s work,
which is of great current value. Our generation, too, faces “friends” who
while they support Israel, anticipate the ultimate “regeneration” of all Jews, the day in which we will “see the
light” and get rid of all our misunderstandings.
Dr. Yehuda Shabatay received rabbinical training in Budapest, a master of jurisprudence degree from the Hebrew University in Jerusalem and his doctorate in Hebrew literature from the Jewish Theological Seminary of America in New York. He was engaged in Jewish educational administration over most of his career and now teaches Jewish studies and history at Palomar College and San Diego State University.