Munich directed by Steve Spielberg, 2005, USA, Color, 2 hours 44
minutes
By Donald H. Harrison
SAN DIEGO, Calif..— When I placed Munich in the DVD
player last night, I braced myself for an anti-Israel diatribe.
That, after all, was the rap on this Steven Spielberg movie. I kept
waiting and waiting, but, the movie never did become a polemic against Israel.
Rather Munich turned out to be another in a long line of movies over the
years that questions the price and utility of warfare.
This doesn't portray warfare on the grand scale that Spielberg's Saving
Private Ryan did; rather it takes us inside the world of terrorists and
assassination squads, and makes the point over and over that for every one of
the bad guys you kill, six seem to arise in their place. It also makes the
counterpoint that in the absence of peace, there really is little else that can
be done. Like weeds, or too long fingernails, or a charging enemy brigade
on the battlefield, all a defender can try to do is to pare them back.
Political critics of the film have suggested that the movie undermines Israel
because it seems to promote the "moral equivalence" argument, which
suggests that as both the Israelis and the Palestinians have used terror and
force, one side is no worse than the other. If such a viewpoint ever took hold
among American foreign policy makers, it would be a victory for the
Palestinians. Such an argument leads down the road to such formulas as
"one is the same as the other, so let's treat them the same as each
other."
Fearing such consequences, anti-Arab hawks began
what I now realize was an unjustified campaign of vilification against Spielberg
and his creative cohorts. The moviemaker who gave us Schindler's
List was viciously psycho-analyzed as a self-hating Jew, or perhaps as
one who was pandering to the Arab world in an effort to promote "moral
equivalence."
But Spielberg's movie, with its screenplay by Tony Kushner and Eric Roth, was
not so ham-handed. What it argues, in my opinion, is that the "cycle
of violence" of terror and retaliation is neither effective, nor
laudable. It simply is a dirty business that people do because they lack
the imagination to do anything else. This deficiency, by the way, is not
limited to the historical characters in the movie. Brilliant filmmakers
though they might be, Spielberg, Kushner, Roth et al have no alternative
to offer.
In fact, by introducing the future Prime Minister Ehud Barak (Jonathan Rozen) as
one of the young commandos participating in a joint Mossad/ IDF raid on an
apartment building in Beirut where three of the Munich nine were living, the
movie implied that peacemaking also is futile—although this point was more
whispered than screamed.
Barak many years later would become the prime minister who tried unsuccessfully
in the waning days of U.S. President Bill Clinton's administration to hammer out
a final peace treaty with Palestinian leader Yasser Arafat.
Viewers begin the movie justifiably outraged by
the murder of 11 Israeli athletes at the 1972 Olympics in Munich. When
Prime Minister Golda Meir (Lynn Cohen) endorses a secret campaign to eliminate
nine Palestinian terrorists believed responsible for this massacre, we wince,
but accept her maxim that "every civilization finds it necessary to
negotiate compromise with its own values. I have made a decision, the
responsibility is mine."
At first, the movie is the good "us" against the bad
"them." As Avner (Eric Bana) leads his officially unofficial
assassination team into the field, nobody questions their high purpose—except
perhaps the Mossad accountant (Oded Teomi) who demands "receipts."
Their plan is to surgically eliminate the terrorists one by one, without any
collateral damage. Thus, the man who is the first target is stalked in
Rome from a book reading to a grocery store to a hallway of an apartment
building before he is shot to death by an assassin with a quaking gun
hand.
A telephone bomb is used on the second target and, in a scene that was the
subject of the oft-seen television advertisement for the movie, the schoolgirl
daughter of the terrorist picked up the ringing telephone. The Israelis
had waited for the girl and her mother to leave the Paris apartment of the
Palestinian official, but she ran back inside to retrieve a forgotten
item. In a mad dash to the trigger car, an Israeli spotter was able to
abort the mission until after the little girl left again. Then the phone
exploded in her father's hands, sending him severely wounded to the
hospital. Ultimately he died there.
The difference between the first two assassinations was worth remarking
upon. The first, however sloppy and risky, caused the death of only one
person. On the other hand, the second, more technologically advanced,
nearly caused the death of a child. Instead of concluding that perhaps they
should be more patient and use lower tech weapons, as in the first
assassination, the Israeli team concludes that it needs to make the bomb more
powerful.
Their next man on their list is staying in a hotel in Cyprus. The contact
between the Palestinian terrorists and the Soviet KGB, he has two Russian
escorts. But the escorts take him only so far as the lobby of the
building; their security does not extend to his room. This time the bomb
is planted under the man's mattress. Once the man lies down, Avner
observing from the balcony of the next room, can give the signal by turning the
light of his room off. He does, and the blast of the more powerful bomb
destroys several rooms of the hotel, nearly killing Avner. Now the
escalation has resulted in civilian casualties, and this trend can only
intensify.
The Israelis purchase both explosives and information through
"apolitical" intermediaries who sell their wares and information to
both sides. In as bizarre a scene as anyone ever has seen in a movie, the
Israeli squad is housed by their shadowy contact in the same "safe
house" in Greece as a group of Palestinian terrorists. As the Palestinians
believe the Israelis to be a combination of European terrorists (the Basque ETA,
German Bader-Meinhof Gang) they spend the night in the same room warily
sleeping on their guns.
This provides Avner an opportunity to question one of the Palestinian terrorists
about his real motivation. The Palestinian replies that whereas his
supposed European counterparts have a home to go back to, the Palestinians do
not. "Home is everything," he says in attempted
justification. He is not very convincing.
We are persuaded, on the other hand, that "family" is indeed all
important. Avner has a wife and new baby but it is far too risky for him to
travel from his base in Europe to Israel. He relocates them to Brooklyn,
assuming he can visit them safely there. But following a shootout with his
"roommates" at the Greek "safe house," Avner and his team,
and by extension, their families, no longer have the veil of anonymity.
Hunters become hunted.
So what are to conclude from this thriller?
The story never questions the right of Israel to exist. It simply
teaches—for those who might not have realized it before—that only among
fanatics is the Middle East situation colored only in black and white. For the
rest of the participants—and there are pragmatic, realistic people
everywhere—the conflict is filled with grays.
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